Staying Home:
Despite the credit I have given Mr. Trump for driving up voter turnout, it was down this year. The final numbers aren't in as I write; Arizona and Nevada are still counting. But it looks like a little over 139 million people voted Red or Blue in 2024, while 155 million did so in 2020 -- and who stayed home Tuesday was significant: from 74 million Republican votes in 2020 to 72 million in 2024 isn't a big change -- but the Democrats fell from 81 million in 2020 to almost 68 million in 2024.
Those missing numbers don't show up in the also-ran columns, either. Apparently, 13 million Democrats looked at the race and said, "Meh," or "A pox on both of 'em."
Pundits are busy mining and refining faint veins of "why" and partisans are touting it as a mandate, but it looks like blue apathy instead of a red surge to me.
El Camino Real:
There is a throughline in the American Presidency that I can't quite trace. It will take a real historian, preferably one with a couple of thousand years of hindsight. But I have got the broad outline, and it runs from roots in Alexander Hamilton, to Andrew Jackson and through Abraham Lincoln's wartime Presidency, lingers on Woodrow Wilson's expansion of Presidential powers (and loathing for Congressional vacillation and inefficiency), grows under Franklin D. Roosevelt coping with a global economic depression and global war, on to Richard Nixon, Bill Clinton, Ronald Reagan (especially encouraged by the Federalist Society) and blooms during Donald Trump's first term of office. The Unitary Executive Theory is alive and well -- and ready to do some kicking.
There's a rough parallel in Roman history: the accretion of power and authority in their executive positions, both before Caesar and after. The appeal of "Stroke of the pen, law of the land"* is undeniable; we're wired up to want quick, bold solutions to difficult problems. But this is a problem in and of itself. Wilson argued for top-down government modeled on the patriarchal families of Classical antiquity, the basis for everything from Kaiser Wilhelm the Second's Germany to Stalin's Soviet Union: it's got a strong bias toward autocracy. For all Wilson's impatience with Congress and the separation of powers, those things exist for good reason.
Most U. S. Presidents have run some version of the American cursus honorum: military service followed by a series of civic offices, both elected and appointed. Not every President touches every base, but nearly all of them have worked their way up, usually with some kind of legislative experience, some exposure to the give and take governance, some direct contact with what happens when slogans and ideals encounter the art of the possible. Mr. Trump did not. Nearly all business enterprises operate with an inherently unitary executive and little or no input from majoritarian assemblies; voting stockholders are hardly legislators. Business has a strong bias towards autocracy.
Do you want kings? Because this is how you get kings.
It Can Go Boom:
Ukraine's got a lot to lose in the aftermath of the 2024 Presidential election. Ukraine is a country that could build a fission bomb over a long weekend and crank out fusion weapons in a matter of weeks. And if you'd like more worries, with a few hours effort they could produce "dirty" bombs that render a patch of land uninhabitable for months, years or centuries. Moscow's a target -- but Russian support centers and bases along the border are easier to reach, and a nuclear cordon sanitaire keeping Russian expansionism at bay could grow from there. It's not a new idea; I cribbed it from Dean Ing, and he got the germ of it from Robert A. Heinlein.
That's just one of the ways things could go sideways if Ukraine runs out of options. I remain convinced that Russia's invasion is a festering boil that is more likely than not to erupt into global conflict and those odds are worse under Mr. Trump than they have been under Mr. Biden. I hope I'm wrong.
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* People start fights over the context of this comment, but there's no denying it stuck.
Update
3 days ago
4 comments:
And let's all remember how Rome's authoritarian state ended.
And let's all remember how Rome's authoritarian state ended-and why.
The 2 million or so R were more classical R that could not bring themselves to vote for this Democrat candidate, while the larger loss of turnout on the D side were disaffected working class, and minorities that similarly justify voting for Trump.
(For the record, I hoped that Trump would beat Clinton, because... Clinton, and I hoped that Harris would beat Trump, because... Trump). As a complete outsider I'm not as immersed in all of this as you people are, I follow blogs on both sides (and MAN are you people polarised) and I find it extremely strange that out of 300 million + people, these are the best candidates you can find for the job... anyway, in my head Occam tells me that there might be a correlation between the 2020 F curve and the 2020 18 million voter spike. Or to phrase it differently, you could have been done with the man by now and found someone worthy to elect this year. Alas.
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